Sorel's concept of "myth" refers to a unifying, emotionally charged idea or narrative that can inspire and mobilize people to action, particularly in a revolutionary context. He sees myths as more powerful than rational arguments in motivating masses. For Sorel, the importance of myth lies in its ability to create a sense of unity and purpose among workers, driving them towards revolutionary action. The myth doesn't need to be realizable or even entirely believable; its power comes from its capacity to evoke passion and commitment. Sorel particularly emphasized the "myth of the general strike" as a galvanizing force for the proletariat.

Sorel justifies violence not as an end in itself, but as a means to moral and social regeneration. He argues that violence, particularly proletarian violence, can serve several purposes:

1. It can help maintain class distinctions and prevent the bourgeoisie from co-opting the working class.
2. It can act as a cleansing force, reinvigorating a society he saw as decadent and lacking in vitality.
3. It can create a sense of solidarity and heroism among workers.
4. It can serve as a catalyst for social change, breaking the inertia of existing institutions.

Sorel emphasizes that this violence should be principled and tied to the myth of revolution, not arbitrary or excessive. He sees it as a form of "creative violence" that can lead to societal transformation.

Sorel strongly criticizes parliamentary socialism, arguing that:

1. It leads to compromise and the weakening of revolutionary spirit.
2. It creates a class of professional politicians detached from workers' interests.
3. It integrates the working class into the existing capitalist system rather than overthrowing it.
4. It relies on intellectual elites rather than worker self-organization.

In contrast, Sorel advocates for syndicalism, which emphasizes direct action by workers through trade unions. He believes syndicalism can maintain the revolutionary spirit, keep power in the hands of workers, and avoid the corrupting influences of parliamentary politics. Syndicalism, for Sorel, is more aligned with his concept of myth and the use of creative violence to bring about social change.

The general strike is central to Sorel's revolutionary theory. He sees it as:

1. The ultimate expression of class conflict.
2. A powerful myth that can inspire and unite the working class.
3. A form of "heroic" action that can regenerate society.
4. A clear division between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie.

Sorel doesn't necessarily believe the general strike will occur as imagined, but he values its mythic power. The idea of the general strike serves as a focal point for worker organization and a symbol of their potential power. It embodies the revolutionary spirit and the possibility of a complete break with the existing social order, inspiring workers to maintain their class consciousness and revolutionary fervor.

The connection between Sorel's ideas and fascism, despite his left-wing orientation, can be explained through several factors:

1. Emphasis on myth and irrationalism: Sorel's focus on emotional, mythic narratives over rational argument appealed to fascist thinkers.
2. Glorification of violence: His view of violence as regenerative and morally purifying resonated with fascist ideologies.
3. Critique of democracy: Sorel's criticism of parliamentary systems aligned with fascist anti-democratic sentiments.
4. Emphasis on action and vitality: His call for heroic action and societal renewal was attractive to fascist movements.
5. Disillusionment with Marxism: Sorel's break with orthodox Marxism made his ideas adaptable to other radical ideologies.

It's important to note that Sorel himself did not advocate fascism, and his ideas were selectively appropriated and reinterpreted by fascist thinkers. This demonstrates how radical ideas can sometimes be co-opted by movements quite different from their original intent.